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A Call To Action: How the Movement Can Win

Staff | June 3, 2002

Sept. 11 opened up a crack in the functioning of society. All of a sudden the results of corporate exploitation of the world (read: colonialism) were demonstrated to a captive global audience. The pain felt by countless numbers of indigenous populations around the world was finally vented on the colonial oppressors in a way that terrified them dearly. However, make no mistake, Sept. 11 was not the beginning of this war — it was merely the first event that countries like America that are kept isolationist and internationally ignorant by an increasingly anti-intellectual, pro-entertainment media system we are forced to look at.

Bush, the prodigy of those corporate interests, continues to demonstrate just how far America has slid from the high ideals that founded this country. In his own foolish way, he is forcing each of us to confront the reasons behind our wealth: we oppress the world. The only difference between now and two hundred years ago is that we no longer have to touch, or see, our slaves. Instead, a global network of commerce has allowed us to stay blind to the fact that purely because we were lucky enough to be born in this country we are wealthier than 50% of the world can imagine.

But this isn’t what I want to talk about — I know that anyone who got through the first two paragraphs of this already knows the multitude of facts that I could spout off. My goal here is to speak to those individuals who have already come to realize the something must be done. My goal is to urge you, in your own way, to begin to work towards creating a period of great global change. This is a war that the peace movement can win. I am confident that we can defeat the Islamic fundamentalism of bin Laden and the Christian/Capatalist fundamentalism of Bush.

How?

I won’t lie to you — this is going to be a difficult fight, but at the same time I am sincere when I say that this may be the last chance we will get.1 If the peace movement continues to fail, if we continue to secretly prioritize a life privileged by the oppression that we are supposedly fighting, we will continue to be marginalized and discredited. On the other hand, if we see ourselves as a new generation of warriors, warriors for peace, we have a good chance at creating a global movement that can demand governments implement our solutions to global “terrorism.”

When I was in New York for a student anti-war conference I heard something that I think perfectly captures the current situation: “Every time a revolution fails the repressive regime grows stronger.” This is precisely the situation we find ourselves in now. The social movements of the ’60s failed, for if they did exact any changes those changes are now being quickly and blatantly repealed by the current administration. The government has since studied how to wage war in a way that will not lead to protest in America, and their answer seems to be to keep the population unaware.

The only solution, then, is for the movement to compensate by changing tactics. Moving away from mass protests as an indicator of the movement’s success is the first step. Instead, we should be gauging our success on our effectiveness in silencing, or inhibiting, our government’s ability to propagandize the public. We need to strip the effectiveness of the media empires that the corporations have created, we need to focus on convincing people to turn to us for news (wasn’t that the goal of creating indymedia.org?).

Based on this criterion, I’d say that the movement has been a dismal failure. All of our media savvyness, our understanding of commercials and the way reporters work, has only functioned to further the system, not disrupt it. Unfortunately, I must admit that I fell into the same trap: I really believed that getting positive press in the media meant something. I just didn’t understand that positive press is only press that washes out the meaning and significance of your actions.

The only way for us to win, it seems, is to embody the ideals of nonviolent protest but to take it to a degree that will discredit our governments massive propaganda methods. We need to use our bodies, and our wealth, to disrupt the functioning of society. We need to finally put our ideals on the line and seize the day, otherwise we may never get a second chance.

1) Whether this is because of possible nuclear war or maybe just because of environmental reasons: http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/03/science/03CLIM.html

1) Bush at War, by Bob Woodward, Simon & Schuster, 2002.

2) http://www.newamericancentury.org/iraqclintonletter.htm

3) The Neoconservative Persuasion, by Irving Kristol, Weekly Standard, August 25, 2003.

4) http://newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf

5) We'll Win This War, by Michael A. Ledeen, The American Enterprise Online.

6) The Future of War and the American Military, by Stephen P. Rosen, Harvard Magazine, May-June 2002, vol 104, no 5.

7) Michael A. Ledeen, quoted by Jonah Goldberg in Baghdad Delenda Est, Part Two, National Review, April 23, 2002.

8) Beware of Bolton, by Ian Williams, May 30, 2002.

9) America's Imperial Ambition, by John Ikenberry, Foreign Affairs, 2002.

10) Should We Evict the UN? by Patrick Buchanan, New York Post, December 27, 1997, page 15.

11) Washington Post, January 31, 2003.

12) The Guardian, March 21, 2003.

13) Why America Still Needs the United Nations, by Shashi Tharoor, Foreign Affairs, Sept/Oct 2003

14) The End of the American Era: US Foreign Policy and the Geopolitics of the Twenty-first Century, by Charles A. Kupchan, Knopf, October 29, 2002.

15) The Real Crisis Over the Atlantic, by Dominique Moisi, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2001.

16) Propaganda Isn't the Way: Soft Power, by Joseph S. Nye Jr., The International Herald Tribune, January 10, 2003.

17) Wolfowitz Stands Fast Amid the Antiwarriors, by Eric Schmitt, The New York Times, September 22, 2003.

18) Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times, June 2003.

19) The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, The White House, September 17, 2002.

20) But What's the Legal Case for Preemption? by Bruce Ackerman, Washington Post, August 18, 2002.

21) The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, The White House, September 17, 2002.

22) Law unto Themselves, by Richard Norton-Taylor, The Guardian, March 14, 2003.

23) UN Resolution 1441, The Security Council, November 8, 2002.

24) Selective Intelligence, by Seymour M. Hersh, The New Yorker, May 5, 2003.

25) The Economist, October 4, 2003.

26) A deafening silence, by Gideon Levy, Ha'aretz, October 6, 2002.

27) Bush's Unreliable Intelligence, by David Corn, The Nation, November 12, 2003.

28) Rice: Iraq trained al Qaeda in chemical weapons, CNN, September 26, 2002.

29) President Bush Outlines Iraqi Threat, by George W. Bush, Cincinnati, October 7, 2002.

30) Saddam Hussein and the Sept. 11 Attacks, Washington Post Poll, September 6, 2003.

31) We're Taking Him Out, CNN, May 6, 2002.

32) May 9, 2003 interview of Paul Wolfowitz by Sam Tannenbaus, published in Vanity Fair, July 2003.

33) Iraq Said to Have Tried to Reach Last-Minute Deal to Avert War, by James Risen, The New York Times, November 6, 2003. Original article.

34) Stumbling into War, by James P. Rubin, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2003.

35) Charlie Wilson's War: The Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in History, by George Crile, Atlantic Monthly Press, April 2003.

36) Bush's Faustian Deal With the Taliban, by Robert Scheer, Los Angeles Times, May 22, 2001.

37) Iraqi Democracy Is a Pipe Dream, by Nicholas D. Kristof, The New York Times, October 19, 2002.

38) UN Resolution 1441, The Security Council, November 8, 2002.

39) Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times, July 7, 1991.

40) A War for Oil?, by Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times, January 5, 2003.

41) US Diplomatic and Commercial Relationships with Iraq, 1980 - 2 August 1990.

42) US Support for Iraq in the 1980s, Center for Cooperative Research.

43) The Ghosts of 1991, by Peter W. Galbraith, Washington Post, Saturday, April 12, 2003.

44) Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times, June 2003.

45) Making of a Monster: How the US Helped Build Iraq's War Machine, by William P. Hoar, The New American, September 1992.

46) A Hard Look at Iraq Sanctions, by David Cortright, The Nation, December 3, 2001.

47) Iraq surveys show 'humanitarian emergency, Unicef Information Newsline, August 12, 1999.

48) Columbia News Video, by Prof. Richard Garfield, March 03, 2000.

49) Cool War, by Joy Gordon, Harper's Magazine, November 2002.

50) Squeezed to death, by John Pilger The Guardian, Saturday March 4, 2000.

51) Cool War, by Joy Gordon, Harper's Magazine, November 2002.

52) Iraq 'smart sanctions' derailed by Russia, by Anton La Guardia, telegraph.co.uk, April 7, 2001.

53) Pew's Global Attitudes Project, June 2003.

54) Andrew Kohut's Senate Testimony, February 27, 2003.

55) Jihad: Expansion et declin de l'Islamisme, by Gilles Kepel, Gallimard, 2003.

56) Terror and Liberalism, by Paul Berman, Norton, 2003.

57) Jerry Falwell, September 13, 2001.

58) General William Boykin, 2002-2003.

59) State of the Union Address to Congress, by President Carter, January 21, 1980.

60) Thomas L. Friedman, The New York Times, May 4, 2003.

61) Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power, by Niall Ferguson, Basic Books, 2003. Critics of US policy are racist, says Rice, by David Rennie, telegraph.co.uk, September 8, 2003.

62) Iraqi Democracy Is a Pipe Dream, by Nicholas D. Kristof, The New York Times, October 19, 2002.

63) Critics of US policy are racist, says Rice, by David Rennie, telegraph.co.uk, September 8, 2003.

64) A World Transformed, by Brent Scowcroft and George H. W. Bush, Knopf, September 1998.

This website is a tribute to Why War?, one of the nation's first and most innovative post-9/11 student antiwar organizations. Born on October 22, 2001 at Swarthmore College, we were a handful of freshmen and sophmores who vocally opposed the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere. And now, seven years later, we are retiring this website as we focus our efforts on new directions. We hope that it continues to serve future activists and we remain confident that humanity is on the verge birthing a better world.
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